LASSALLE’S 


OF  GERMANY. 


TRANSLATED  BY 

•  '  ‘  / 

JOHN  EH  MANN  and  FRED.  BADER. 


PRICE  lO  CENTS. 


Published  and  for  Sale  by 

The  National  Executive  Committee 

OF  THE 


SOCIALISTIC  LABOR  PARTY 

PHILIP  VAN  FATTEN,  Cor.  Bec’y, 


CINCINNATI,  O. 


33158 


/33G£e. 


In  the  month  of  October,  18G2,  a  Workingmen’s  Conven¬ 
tion  was  held  in  the  city  of  Nuremberg,  Bavaria,  for  the  pur¬ 
pose  of  considering  means  whereby  the  condition  of  the  working 
people  of  Germany  might  be  improved.  The  Convention  adjourned 
without  reaching  any  conclusion,  but  it  was  resolved  to  meet  again  in 
convention  at  Leipzig  in  the  fall  of  1863,  and  the  Central  Committee 
of  the  Workingmen’s  Association  in  Leipzig  was  instructed  to  make 
preparations  for  the  proposed  convention. 

Accordingly  this  Committee  visited  Berlin  and  called  upon  promi¬ 
nent  members  of  the  Prussian  Diet,  especially  those  of  the  Liberal 
Party,  asking  them  to  frame  a  platform  upon  which  the  working 
people  could  unite  for  the  advancement  of  their  interests. 

Schultze  Delitzsch,  the  well-known  Liberal  member,  declined  to  sup 
port  the  demand  for  Universal  Suffrage,  as  did  also  all  Representa¬ 
tives  of  the  Progressive”  Party.  Disgusted  with  these  “statesmen  ” 
and  convinced  that  their  help  was  not  to  be  counted  on,  the  Commit¬ 
tee  met  an  old  philanthropist,  Dr.  Jocrrisen,  who  told  them  that  he 
knew  of  only  one  man  intelligent  and  courageous  enough  to  draw  up 
a  suitable  platform,  and  that  man  was  Ferdinand  Lassalle,  a  private 
and  almost  unknown  citizen  in  Berlin.  The  Committee  called  at 
Lassalle’s  house,  but  as  he  was  absent,  the  Committee  left  a  letter 
stating  the  object  of  their  visit. 

In  reply,  Lassalle  published  this  open  letter.] 


% 


rOJPEONT  LETTE  ZR,. 

- o— ~ 

4&  »•  9  JL  &  n  »  am  «»  *H_  3K<  am  s*  sm 


-00- 


Gentlemen  : — You  request  roe  to  give  you  my  opinion 
of  the  workingmen’s  movement,  and  of  the  means  best  calcu¬ 
lated  to  better  the  condition  of  the  working  classes,  whether 
by  political  or  moral  action  ;  and  also  to  give  you  my  views  on 
the  importance  of  the  labor  organizations  of  that  portion  of 
the  people  wholly  without  means ;  a  duty  I  hasten  to  dis¬ 
charge. 

In  the  first  place,  I  beg  to  state  that,  my  time  being  taken 
up  by  necessary  labor,  my  reply  must  be  brief. 

In  Berlin,  October  last,  when  the  first  consultation  took 
place  regarding  the  Workingmen’s  Congress,  two  opposite 
views  appeared,  the  discussion  of  which,  through  the  news¬ 
papers,  elicited  much  interest. 

One  party  insisted  that  you  had  no  business  to  trouble 
yourselves  about  political  movements,  politics  having  no  rec¬ 
ognition  of  you  as  a  factor  in  the  national  programme,  your 
inferiority  as  a  class  giving  you  no  importance  or  interest  in 
the  debate.  The  other  side  insisted  as  strenuously  that  you 
should  array  yourselves  as  a  wing  of  the  Prussian  Progressive 
Party — to  act  the  part  of  the  chorus  in  its  active  drama,  or  as 


r 


—  6  — 


a  species  of  sounding-board  to  give  greater  resonance  to  the 
voice  of  the  organization.  Had  I  been  present  with  that  delib¬ 
erative  body,  I  should  have  spoken  as  equally  opposed  to 
both. 

A  narrow  view7  indeed  is  it  to  look  upon  the  movement  as 
having  no  relation  to  politics.  1  have  no  hesitation  in  saying 
that  through  political  action  only  can  the  working  man  hope 
for  the  fulfillment  of*  his  aspirations  as  a  citizen.  The  ques¬ 
tion  how  you  shall  assemble  and  discuss  your  interests,  how 
form  associations  and  branch  societies,  is  a  question  already 
dependent  upon  the  political  situation  and  legislation,  making 
it  quite  unnecessary, by  further  exposition,  to  answer  objections. 

Not  less  mistaken  and  leading  to  error  was  the  opposite 
view,  placing  you  as  a  mere  wing  of  the  Progressive  Party. 

True,  it  would  have  been  unjust  not  to  recognize  that  the 
Prussian  Progressive  Party  had,  at  the  time,  a  moderate  claim 
to  political  freedom  through  the  firmness  it  exhibited  in  voting 
the  budget,  and  its  opposition  to  the  military  re-organization 
jn  Prussia.  Granting  the  claims  so  founded,  however,  still  the 
placing  of  you  in  so  inferior  a  position  would  be  inconsistent 
with  your  numerical  importance  and  the  gravity  of  the  demands 
of  the  German  Workingmen’s  Party  :  which  manfully  struggles 
for  higher  political  principles  and  more  popular  aims  than  the 
Prussian  Progressive  Party.  Its  chief  distinction  is,  that 
it  plants  its  flag  on  the  Prussian  Constitution,  and  the  chief 
feature  of  whose  struggles  is  opposition  to  a  one-sided  change 
of  the  military  organization,  and  holding  on  to  the  right  of 
voting  the  budget,  features  of  policy  in  other  German  coun¬ 
tries  not  even  questioned. 

There  was,  besides,  no  guarantee  that  $vere  the  Progres¬ 
sive  Party  to  succeed  in  its  controversy  with  the  Prussian 
Government,  that  it  would  use  its  victory  in  the  interest  of  the 
whole  people,  many  fearing  that  it  would  be  quite  as  likely  to 
use  it  to  uphold  the  privileges  of  the  bourgeoisie,  and  not  to 
secure  the  universal,  equal  and  direct  right  of  suffrage  for  the 
working  classes.  In  such  a  case,  it  is  clear  that  it  could  not 
be  of  the  least  interest  to  the  workingmen.  At  that  time, 
that  is  what  I  should  have  had  to  say.  To-day  I  can  add  that 
since  then  it  has  been  clearly  shown — which  at  that  time  it 
was'  not  difficult  to  foresee --that  the  Prussian*  Progressive 
Party  lacked  the  energy  necessary  to  bring  even  so  slight  a  con¬ 
flict  with. the  Government  to  a  satisfactory  and  dignified  end. 


That  party,  notwithstanding  the  contemptuous  refusal  of  the 
Government  to  surrender  to  it  the  right  of  voting  the  budget, 
still  consents  to  assemble  for  parliamentary  purposes,  transact¬ 
ing  business  with  a  ministry  declared  criminally  responsible, 
thus  lowering  itself  and  the  entire  people  ;  exhibiting  a  spec¬ 
tacle  of  weakness  and  an  absense  of  dignity  without  a  parallel 
in  the  history  of  legislative  bodies. . 

Even  in  spite  of  the  violation  of  the  Constitution,  a  viola¬ 
tion  so  declared  even  by  themselves,  it  still  continued  to  as-  • 
semble,  helping  the  Government  to  uphold  a  fraud,  a  mere 
appearance  of  a  constitutional  state. 

Instead  of,  as  it  ought  to  have  done,  declaring  the  Cham¬ 
ber  closed  until  the  Government  declared  itself  unable  to 
continue  the  expenditures  refused  by  the  Chamber,  thus  plac¬ 
ing  the  Government  in  the  inexorable  alternative  of  either 
respectfully  recognizing  the  constitutional  right  of  the  Cham¬ 
ber,  or,  boldly  throwing  off  all  appearance  of  such  recognit¬ 
ion,  defying  embarrassments,  assume  absolute  rule,  inviting 
the  crisis  imposed  by  absolutism.  Notice  the  result  of  this 
cowed  action  on  their  part.  The  Government  is  so  placed  as 
to  have  all  the  advantage  of  absolute  power  with  the  added 
advantages  of  an  <■  pparently  constitutional  state. 

The  Government,  instead  of  being  forced  to  unveil  abso¬ 
lutism,  giving  the  people  to  understand  that  there  was  no  con¬ 
stitutional  warranty  wanted  for  expenditures,  has  the  appear¬ 
ance  given  to  it  of  constitutional  consent  to  its  operations, 
thus  duping  the  public,  confusing  the  intelligence,  and  de¬ 
praving  the  moral  sense  of  the  people. 

A  party  capable  of  such  pusiianimity,  exhibiting  such 
weakness,  is  powerless,  inadequate  to  the  work  of  the  hour, 
and  incapable  of  leading  in  the  development  of  liberty , 
therefore  unfitted  to  represent  the  democracy  of  the  nation. 

It  is  unworthy  to  lead  the  great  element  constituting  the 
workingmen’s  movement. 

I  would  have  to  tell  you  then  as  I  have  to  tell  you  now, 
that  a  party  which,  through  its  dogma  of  the  “  Prussian 
Front,”  forces  itself  to  recognize  in  the  Prussian  Government 
the  called-for  Mesiah  for  the  birth  of  the  Gennnn  nationality, 
while  there  is,  even  inclusive  of  Ilessia,  not  a  single  German 
Government  politically  behind  Prussia;  yes,  while  there  is  not 
a  single  German  Government,  even  including  Austria,  which  is, 
in  reality,  not  ahead  of  the  Prussian  Government — to  seek  to 


—  8  — 

claim  the  leadership  of  the  workingmen’s  party  is  a  degrada¬ 
tion,  an  illusion  suggesting  drunken  impotence.  Its  surren¬ 
der  of  manhood  in  the  face  of  the  contempt  of  the  Govern¬ 
ment.  puts  aside  all  hopes  of  its  leading  in  the  direction  of 
the  liberty  of  the  German  people. 

What  has  been  said  gives  definitively  the  position  to  be 
assumed  by  the  working  classes  in  the  matter  of  politics  with 
reference  to  its  relation  to  the  Progressive  Party. 

The  working-class  must  constitute  itself  an  independent 
political  party ,  based  on  universal  equal  suffrage :  a  sentiment 
to  be  inscribed  on  its  banners ,  and  forming  the  central  principle 
of  its  action .  The  representation  of  the  working  class 
must'be  a  fact  in  the  legislative  bodies  of  the  nation.  Noth¬ 
ing  less  will  satisfy  the  awakened  demands  of  the  working 
classes. 

We  must  open,  for  this  end,  a  peaceful,  lawful  agitation. 
Let  this  be  the  programme  of  the  party  of  labor,  without  ref¬ 
erence  to  the  Progressive  Party.  The  workers  must  regard 
their  organization  as  that  of  an  independent  party,  utterly  and 
completely  separate  and  distinct  from  all  political  affiliation 
with  the  Progressivists;  recognizing  it  only  when  their  com¬ 
mon  interests  bring  them  into  copartnership  at  the  polls. 

This  must  be  the  policy  of  the  Workingmen’s  Party. 
Whatever  of  leaning  toward  the  Progressive  Party  will  be 
made  apparent,  must  be  by  the  Progressivists  coming  up  to 
their  standard ;  giving  them  a  chance  either  to  develope,  or  to 
sink  deeper  in  the  mire  of  impotence — where  it  is  already 
knee-deep.  Such  must  be  the  tactics  pursued  by  the  Work¬ 
ingmen’s  Party  toward  the  Progressive  Party,  So  much  for 
politics. 

Now  to  the  social  question  you  have  broached,  and  which 
interests  you  in  a  much  greater  degree. 

I  confess  that  it  was  with  a  grim  smile  I  noticed  that  de¬ 
bates  on  free  trade  and  free  movement  should  form  important 
features  in  the  order  of  the  projected  Congress.  Why  you 
should  seek  to  discuss  free  movement  can  best  be  answered  by 
quoting  Schiller’s  famous  distich  : 

“  Tor  years  I ’ve  been  using  my  nose  to  smell ; 

Who  questions  my  right  to  my  nose,  pray  tell?  ” 

Free  trade  and  free  movement  are  matters  which,  in  a 
law-making  body,  are  quietly  decreed  without  debating. 

The  German  workin  g  men  surely  have  no  desire  to  repeat 


—  9  — 


the  foolish  spectacle  of  assemblages  whose  chief  enjoyment 
seems  to  be  to  applaud  aimless,  long  speeches.  Surely  the 
earnest  resolution  of  the  worker  will  spare  us  the  exhibition 
of  all  such  pitiable  weaknesses. 

You  want  to  found  Savings-banks,  Invalid  and  Sick-help 
Societies;  institutions  whose  relative  but  subordinate  impor¬ 
tance  I  readily  recognize.  Let  us,  however,  try  to  distinguish 
between  two  questions  which  have  nothing  to  do  with  each 
other. 

Is  it  merely  your  aim  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the 
worker?  guarding  him  against  the  results  of  recklessness, 
sickness,  age  and  accidents;  the  unguarded  effects  of  which 
press  individuals  below  the  ordinary  condition  of*  their  'class. 
If  so,,  the  establishment  of  such  institutions  will  be  fully 
equal  to  meet  your  aims.  A  movement  of  such  magnitude  as 
the  universal  agitation  of  the  workingmen  of  the  nation,  how¬ 
ever,  would  be  far  from  finding  its  reward  in  accomplishing  so 
little  when  so  much  could  be  done.  It  would  ;but  suggest  the 
old  saying:  “The  mountain  labored,  and  brought  forth  a 
mouse.  ” 

So  limited  and  subordinate  an  aim  might  be  quietly  left 
to  local  associations,  they  being  quite  equal  to  the  attainment 
of  such  desiderati. 

The  aim  of  this  movement  has  a  wider  scope  than  estab¬ 
lishing  beneficiary  institutions  for  the  afflicted  individual.  It 
is  rather  to  raise  the  status  of  the  class  in  the  nation,  re¬ 
deeming  it  from  the  degradation  of  its  present  level. 

Is  not  that  the  ultimate  sought  in  this  great  movement  ? 
If  so,  then  is  the  sharp  line  of  distinction  called  for  which  I 
have  drawn  between  the  merely  beneficiary  idea  and  the 
larger  scope  of  national  interferences  with  the  present  order 
of  society.  The  two  features  must  not  be  confused.  The  in¬ 
stitution  of  the  first  is  powerless  to  the  attainment  of  the 
second  ;  making  it  imperative  that  the  former  shall  be  regard¬ 
ed  as  altogether  outside  of  and  apart  from  effort  to  aecom- 
iish  the  latter. 

Allow  me  here  to  give'  you  the  testimony  of  a  fellow 
workman,  Prof.  Huber,  a  man  whose  strictly  conservative  and 
royalistic  tendencies  would  be  likely  to  preclude  from  his 
writings  any  confessions  in  favor  of  the  working-class  proper; 
but  whose  candor  and  impartial  judgment  make  him  incapable 
of  giving  an  unwarrantable  complexion  to  truth.  I  delight 


—  10  — 


to  give  the  evidence  of  this  man — and  in  the  course  of  this 
letter  will  do  it  again  and  again — and  for  the  reason  that, 
standing  as  he  does  on  a  different  elevation  from  mine,  what¬ 
ever  of  suspicion  might  attach  of  my  regarding  what  he  would 
say  as  of  smaller  importance,  through  prejudice  on  my  part, 
might  be  avoided.  His  views,  politically  as  well  as  economi¬ 
cally,  are  different  from  mine;  but  he  possesses  in  an  eminent 
degree  the  frankness  to  truthfully  discuss,  on  national  and 
economic  grounds,  the  questions  forced  by  the  Liberal  School; 
pointing  to  what,  in  his  judgment,  might  mislead  and  disap¬ 
point  the  workingman. 

In  his  “Concordia,”  Professor  Huber  says:  “Without, 
then,  overlooking  the  relative  benefit,  as  far  as  it  really  goes, 
of  Savings,  Help  and  Sick  societies,  I  insist  that  these  good 
things  can  bring  with  them  great  negative  hindrances,  stand¬ 
ing,  as  they  may,  in  the  way  of  something  better.” 

And  surely  these  negative  hindrances  alluded  to  never 
could  take  place  to  a  greater  degree  as  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
something  better  than  with  the  forces  of  the  workingmen’s 
movement  concentrated  upon,  or  even  shared  with  these 
proj  e'cts. 

But  you  should — say  the  newspapers — and  this  your 
own  letter  to  me  mentions  as  strongly  recommended  by  many — 
take  into  consideration  the  organizations  ofSchultze  Delitzsch  — 
his  Land  and  Credit  Associations,  his  Raw  Material  and  Con¬ 
suming  Associations — in  order  to  better  the  condition  of  the 
w  orking  class. 

Let  us  examine  this  a  little  more  closely  : 

Schultze  Delitzsch  can  be  regarded  in  three  relations  : 

In  his  politics  he  belongs  to  the  Pro.  Party  already  al¬ 
luded  to. 

Secondly,  he  has  claims -as  a  national  economist;  standing 
as  such  upon  the  ground  occupied  by  the  Liberal  School ; 
sharing  alike  their  errors,  their  mistakes  and  their  blindness. 
The  lectures  he  has  given  before  the  workingmen  afford  too 
convincing  proofs  of  that  charge  :  making  his  efforts  a  bundle 
of  distorted  presentations  with  conclusions  having  no  connec 
tion  whatever  with  the  premises.  However,  it  is  Neither  your 
desire  nor  yet  my  aim  to  give  a  criticism  of  the  theory  of  the 
National  Economists  or  of  the  lectures  of  Delitzsch  in  particular, 
to  prove  how  wide  of  the  mark  and  self-blinding  are  the  ar¬ 
guments  used  by  that  school  x>f  philosophers.  My  duty  to 


you  however,  forces  me  to  dwell  more  at  large  on  their  doc¬ 
trines. 

The  third  relation  alluded  to,  in  which  Delitzsch  stands,  is 
his  peculiar  individuality,  which  has  the  effect  of  forcing  him 
beyond  his  theory  as  an  economist  of  the  National  School : 
of  him  it  can  be  said  that,  of  his  party,  he  is  the  only  one 
who  has  really  benefitted  the  people.  Although  standing 
alone,  and  at  a  time  of  unusual  business  depression,  by  his  un¬ 
tiring  activity,  he  became  the  father  and  founder  of  the  Ger 
man  Co-operative  Societies;  giving  them  a  push  forward  which 
will  give  a  wide  and  spreading  effect  to  that  beneficent  move¬ 
ment  ;  and  for  which,  although  his  opponent  in  theory,  I  now, 
while  writing,  in  spirit  shake  hands  with  him.  Truth  and 
Justice,  even  to  an ‘'opponent,  ought  to  be  the  first  lesson  as 
well  as  the  first  duty  of  all  men. 

That,  at  this  day,  in  the  German  movement  the  question 
is  already  discussed,  whether  the  associations  are  to  be  taken 
up  in  his  sense  or  mine,  which  is  to  a  great  part  his  true 
merit — a  merit,  we  must  admit  we  cannot  too  highly  estimate. 
In  the  face  of  the  warmth  with  which  I  recognize  this 
merit,  however,  I  shall  insist  on  regarding  with  critical  sharp 
ness  the  question:  Are  the  Schultze  Delitzsch  associa- 
tions-the  Credit,  Loan,  Raw  Material  and  Consuming  associa 
tions  able,  effectively,  to  better  the  condition  of  the  working 
class?  To  which  I  reply,  and  with  emphasis,  No  J  And 
here  I  briefly  state  my  reasons  for  my  decided  negative. 

In  regard  to  the  Loan  and  Raw  Material  Associations, 
they  assist  him  only  who  has  a  small  business  for  himself.  For 
the  journey,  men  or  workers  in  the  factory, men  having  no  busi¬ 
ness  strictly  of  their  ®wn,  those  institutions  are  as  if  they  did 
not  really  exist.  This  feature  you  must  never  lose  sight  of, 
that  from  the  beginning,  the  aim  of  the  being  of  these  socie¬ 
ties  was  to  be  serviceable  only  to  small  industries  ;  not  for  the 
elevation  of  the  whole.  They  will  help  employers  with  a 
capital,  but  are  not  j. intended  to  reach  the  Workingmen  : 
In  this  connection  you  must  impress  yourselves  with  two 
pressing  points  : 

First.* It  is  in  the  nature  of  the  industrial  movement  to 
tive  the  factory,  with  its  immense  productive  power,  an  extra¬ 
ordinary  advantage  over  the  small  industries;  so  much  so  as 
to  dwarf  all  efforts  of  the  smaller  producer.  Wholesale  and 
mass-production  daily  more  and  more  taking  the  place  of  pro- 


duction  on  a  small  scale.  England  and  France,  nations  ahead 
of  us  in  economical  development,  show  this  in  a  much  greater 
degree  than  with  us.  Germany,  however,  is  making  mighty 
progress  on  the  same  road.  Your  daily  experience  will 
be  sufficient  to  corroborate  this. 

There  follows,  then,  from  these  Delitzsch  Loan  and  Raw 
Material  Associations,  allowing  they  did  help  the  small  trades¬ 
men,  that  owing  to  the  necessarily  expanding  tendencies  of 
our  industries,  they  all  constantly  developing  into  rich  firms 
and  corporate  institutions,  their  influence  would  all  the  while 
be  lessening,  the  large  firms  and  corporations  gradually  absorb¬ 
ing  the  lesser  tradesmen,  the  recipients  of  their  benefits,  they 
gradually  becoming  sunk  in  the  ranks  of  the  purely  working- 
class  :  an  absorption  the  inevitable  result  of  our  peculiar  mod¬ 
ern  culture. 

The  other  point  alluded  to  is  still  more  important  : 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  a  few  tradesmen  so  as¬ 
sisted,  are  enabled  to  carry  on  a  small  business  in  living  com¬ 
petition  with  the  larger  concerns,  the  confession  of  Prof.  Hu¬ 
ber  is  adverse  to  the  Credit  and  Raw  Material  Associations  as 
a  successful  means  to  ends.  He  says,  “  Unfortunately,  de¬ 
spite  our  favorable  perceptions  that  competition  between 
dwarf-production  and  corporative  industry  was  possible,  we 
have  to  say  that  it  is  not  satisfactorily  so. 

But  the  inherent  defects  of  the  system,  and  which,  at 
the  first,  became  developed  in  my  mind,  will,  I  am  convinced, 
be  still  more  conclusive. 

How  far,  as  an  assistant,  to  the  small  tradesman,  can  the 
Loan  Association  go  ?  Only  so  far  as  enabling  him  to  have 
good  and  cheap  raw  material — no  further  ;  placing  him  on  an 
equality  with  his  competing  neighbor  who  had  already  capital 
of  his  own  with  which  to  purchase.  At  best  it  is  but 
lengthening  the  lease  which,  in  time,  must  expire ;  yielding 
to  the  larger  capitalist,  whose  mass-production,  with  its  small¬ 
er  profits  and  other  advantages,  stock  and  rule  the  markets. 
The  principle  sways  civilization  :  the  inferior  corporation 
yielding  to  the  larger. 

It  may  be  urged  that  the  small  tradesman  who  carries  on 
his  trade  helped  by  the  Raw  Material  Association  has  advant¬ 
ages  over  the  capitalist  who  uses  his  own  money,  and  is  therefore 
better  able  to  endure  the  strain  of  his  heavy  competition.  We 
must  bear  in  mind,  however,  that  the  wholesale  price  feature 


—  13- 


is  but  one  of  a  series  of  advantages  of  cheapness  which  in¬ 
heres  in  industries  conducted  on  a  large  scale. 

But  even  between  the  master  who  carries  on  business 
with  the  help  of  the  Raw  Material  Association  and  the  one 
who  conducts  his  work  on  his  own  capital,  the  advantages  are 
very  nearly  balanced. 

The  latter  has  no  interest  to  calculate  upon,  and  can  at 
all  times  place  him  elfin  connection  with  the  best  markets  in 
the  purchase  of  needed  articles,  giving  him  business  chances 
the  Raw  Material  Association  cannot  develope;  particularly 
the  knowledge  which  enables  him  to  select  minor  articles. 

The  association  spoken  of  can  only  lengthen  out  the  un¬ 
avoidable  death  struggle  of  the  business  life  of  the  small 
tradesman;  he  is  doomed  to  make  way  for-  the  large  concerns  ; 
the  products  of  our  increasing  and  changing  culture.  To  seek 
to  perpetuate  the  struggles  of  the  smaller  traders  is  but  uselessly 
to  obstruct  the  inevitable,  wliile  leaving  the  great  body  of  the 
working  class,  employed  in  the  larger  works,  entirely  unreach¬ 
ed  by  assistance. 

We  shall  now  look  at  the  Consumers  Associations. 

The  whole  body  of  the  working  class  would  be  embraced 
by  the  consumer’s  association.  But  even  these  associtions  are 
powerless  in  any  degree  to  better  the  condition  of  the  worker. 

Three  reasons  will  be  ample  to  prove  this. 

The  disadvantages  which  lie  upon  the  working  class,  (as 
the  two  following  sub-divisions  of  the  economical  law  will 
show,)  strikes  him  as  a  producer  and  not  as  a  consumer. 
It  is  surely  a  false  step  to  assist  the  working  class  as  consum¬ 
ers,  when  it  is  apparent  that  we  ought  to  help  them  as  pro¬ 
ducers;  lor  it  is  as  producers  the  shoe  pinches.-  As 
consumers,  we  stand  to  day,  in  general,  quite  equal.  As  be¬ 
fore  the  gms'cVarmes  all  citizens  stand  alike,  so,  in  presence 
of  the  shop  keeper,  the  customer  has  no  superior  claims;  all 
paying  equally  as  well. 

It  is  true  that  from  this  small  paying  ability  on  the  part  of 
the  poor,  certain  special  minor  evils  follow  to  the  injury  of  the 
working  class;  the  disadvantages  forcing  him  to  become  a  prey 
to  the  usury  of  shop-keepers.  Against  this  economic  feature 
the  Consumers  Association  is  a  great  protection.  But  without 
mentioning  how  long  this  Association  can  last,  and  where  it. 
must  stop,  I  contend  that  this  assistance  only  makes  the  sad 
condition  of  the  working  class  for  the  moment  more  endurable' 


— 14 


and  I  say  that,  it  must  not  be  confused  with  the  methods,  to 
better  the  condition  of  the  working  class,  and  which  is  the 
aim  of  the  workingmen’s  movement  to  accomplish. 

The  merciless  economical  rule, under  which  the  present  sys 
tern  fixes  the  rate  of  wages, in  obedience  to  the  so-called  law  of 
supply  and  demand  for  labor  is  this  :  that  the  average  wages 
always  remain  reduced  to  that  rate  which  in  a  people  is  bare¬ 
ly  necessary  for  existence  and  propagation;  a  matter  governed 
by  the  customary  manner  of  living  of  each  people.  That  is 
the  inexorable  point  about  which  the  real  wages  always  gravi¬ 
tate;  never  keeping  long  above  or  below  it.  Were  it  to  remain 
for  any  length  of  time  above  it,  there  would  be  ail  increase- 
of  marriages  from  which  would  flow  a  greatly  increased  num¬ 
ber  of  the  working  element, which  would  invariably  bring  down 
the  wages  below  its  former  rate. 

Thea  wages  also  cannot  fall  with  anything  like  permanence 
below  the  ordinary  rate  of  living;  as  from  it  would  flow  emi¬ 
gration,  celibacy,  restraint  in  the  number  of  births;  circum¬ 
stances  in  the  end  lessening  the  number  of  laborers;  an  equi¬ 
librium  is  thus  secured,  keeping  wages  generally  uniform;  the 
wages  being  at  all  times  in  obedience  to  the  vibrations.  There 
is  no  gain  saying  the  assurance  that  the  wages  of  a 
people  are  regulated  by  their  ordinary  habits  of  living, 
those  habits  conforming  to  the  limits  of  existence  and  pro¬ 
pagation.  This  is  the  cruel,  rigorous  law  that  governs  wages 
under  the  present  system. 

The  truthfulness  of  this  standard  no  man  can  question;  I 
could  call  in  support  of  iny  assertions  names  famous  in  national 
economical  science  even  from  the  liberal  school ;  for,  truth  to 
tell,  it  was  the  liberal  economic  school  which  discovered  and 
proved  the  law. 

Gentlemen,  this  cruel  inflexible  law  you  must  at  all  times; 
have  before  you,  impressing  your  souls  with  its  terrible  truth, 
and  in  all  your  thinking  you  must  start  with  it  as  a  perpetual 
presence. 

And  here  I  can  give  you  and  the  whole  body  of  the  work¬ 
ing  people  an  infallible  test  by  which  all  mistakes  and  errors 
can  be  avoided  in  your  dcalimgs  with  would-be  leaders. 

'  To  every  one  who  speaks  of  ameliorating  the  condition 
of  the  worker,  you  must  put  the  question  :  whether  or  not  he 
recogniz  cs  this  law  ? 

If  he  does  not,  at  once  say  to  yourself,  he  either  desires 


to  mislead,  or  he  has  a  pitiful  degree  of  inexperience  in  national 

economical  science.  It  is  a  fact  that  there  is  not,  even  in  the 
liberal  school,  one  noteworthy  national  economist  who  denies 
this  :  Adams,  Smith, Say,  Ricardo, Matthews, Bastiat, and  John 
Stuart  Mill;  all  of  them  unanimously  acknowledged  it;  so,  too, 
do  all  men  of  science. 

And  then,  when  he  who  speaks  to  you  about  the  condition 
of  the  workingman,  and  returns  in  answer  to  your  question  that 
he  does  recognize  this  law,  ask  farther;  How  would  he 
abolish  this  condition  ?  - 

And  if  he  gives  you  no  answer  upon  this,  quietly  turn  • 
your  back  to  him.  He  is,  he  assured,  an  empty  talker  who 
wishes  to  mislead  you;  or  is  himself  a  victim  to  hollow  phrases. 
Let  us  for  a  moment  look  nearer  at  the  effect  and  nature  of 
the  law.  It  is  in  other  words  substantially  this  :  From  the 
amount  produced  there  is  only  so  much  taken  and  divided 
among  the  workingmen,  as  is  necessary  to  their  existence 
(wages),  the  entire  surplus  of  the  amount  produced  falling  to 
the  share  of  him  who  undertakes  the  enterprise. 

It  is  therefore  a  consequence  ol  the  cruel,  heartless  law  that 
you  —  who  for  that  reason  I  have  in  my  labor  pamphlet  called 
the  class  of  the  disinherited — are  barred  out  from  the  increas¬ 
ed  productiveness  brought  about  by  the  progress  of  civilization. 
For  you  comes  a  bare  existence;  the  undertaker  of 
the  enterprise  takes  all  that  is  produced. 

Owing  to  the  great  increase  of  the  productiveness  of  la¬ 
bor  in  modern  times, many  of  the  products  falling  to  the  mini¬ 
mum  of  cheapness, it  becomes  possible  for  you  to  have  a  cer¬ 
tain  degree  of  advantage  from  the  excess  of  productiveness  of 
labor — not  as  producers,  but  as  consumers.  It,  however,  does 
not  change  the  quota  or  share  of  the  amount  produced;  affect¬ 
ing  you  only  in  your  condition  as  consumers,  which  it  likewise 
does  to  the  condition  of  the  undertaker  as  a  consumer,  as  well 
as  to  all  who  do  not  take  part  in  the  production; — benefit- 
ting  them  indeed,  to  a  much  greater  degree  than  it  does  the 
workingman. 

But  this  advantage  which  does  not  occur  to  you  as  labor¬ 
ers,  but  as  human  beings,  vanishes  again  in  course  of  time 
through  this  cruel  and  relentless  law  which  lowers  the  wages 
to  the  measure  of  consumption  necessary  to  a  bare  existence. 

Now,  it  can  happen  to  you  that  through  increased  produc¬ 
tiveness  of  labor  and  the  consequent  appearance  of  the  mini- 


mum  of  cheapness  in  many  products,  together  with  a  length¬ 
ened  period  for  increased  demand  for  labor,  disproportion  ally 
cheap  products  are  taken  up  and  regarded  as  customary  ne¬ 
cessities  for  a  bare  existence  of  the  people. 

Thus  it  is  then  that  laborers  and  wages  at  all  times  dance 
upon  the  otuer  circle  of  the  conditions  constituting  a  bare 
existence — sometimes  a  little  above,  sometimes  a  little  below, 
but  seldom  if  ever  changing. 

This  outer  circle  may  change  at  different  periods  through 
the  conjunction  of  the  above  given  circumstances;  and  it  is 
by  comparing  different  periods  with  each  other  that  the  con¬ 
dition  of  the  working  classes  in  the  later  century  and  genera¬ 
tion  seems  to  be  superior  to  that  of  former  centuries  aud  gen 
erations;  and  the  whole  history  on  the  minimum  amount  neces¬ 
sary  for  an  existence  has  arisen 

Gentlemen,  I  was  forced  to  make  this  small  detour,  dis¬ 
tant  though  it  may  appear  from  my  real  object,  because  this 
trifling  little  benefit  in  course  of  centuries  and  generations  is 
always  the  point  upon  which  all  who  desire  to  throw  dust 
into  your  eyes,  after  the  manner  of  Bastiat,  do  .so;  which 
amounts  to  nothing  but  the  hollowest  declamation. 

Remember  my  words.  The  time  may  arrive  when  the 
minimum  amount  necessary  to  sustain  the  laboring  classes  will, 
as  compared  with  the  amount  of  former  generations,  appear 
greater. 

Whether  it  is  really  so  that,  in  the  flow  of  the  centu¬ 
ries,  the  general  condition  of  the  working  class  has  continu¬ 
ously  been  bettering,  involves  a  very  grave  and  entangling 
discussion,  embracing  much  patient  research :  an  amount  of 
investigation,  indeed,  altogether  too  great  for  ordinary  persons 
to  take  the  trouble  to  master :  necessitating  endless  inquiries 
about  the  prices  of  'calico  in  one  year  as  compared  with  others, 
and  how  much  you  now  consume,  with  such-like  common-place 
detail — items  which  can  be  found  in  any  commercial  compen¬ 
dium. 

I  shall  not  go  into  this  investigation,  but  will  confine 
myself  to  what  is  absolutely  firm  and  also  easily  proven. 

We  will  grant  that  the  minimum  amount  thought 
necessary  for  an  existence  increases  in  the  course  of  genera¬ 
tions,  and  along  with  it  comes  a  betterment  of  the  condition 
of  the  working  classes. 

But  you  will  be  made  to  find,  by  a  little  eft’ort  on  my 


part,  that,  with  these  common -places,  they  play  the  real  ques¬ 
tion  out  of  your  hands,  making  it  an  entirely  different  one. 

They  mislead,  they  blind  you. 

Gentlemen,  when  you  speak  of  the  condition  of  the  work¬ 
ing  class  and  how  it  is  to  be  bettered,  you  mean  the  condition 
of  your  fellow-beings  of  the  present  time  compared  with  the 
standard  of  life’s  necessities  enjoyed  by  other  classes  at  the 
same  time. 

They  answer  you  by  assuming  comparisons  of  your  con¬ 
ditions  with  that  of  workingmen  in  former  centuries.  But 
the  real  question  is,  Do  you  stand  better  to-day  because  the 
minimum  of  necessities  has  risen  over  that  of  the  workingmen 
of  eighty — two  hundred-or  three  hundred  years  ago?  If  so, 
how  can  it  effect  you  any  more  than  when  told  the  settled 
fact  that  your  condition  to-day  is  superior  to  that  of.  the  Bo- 
tokudes  and  man-eating  savages  ? 

All  human  enjoyment  and  contentment  depend  upon  the 
proportion  of  the  means  of  satisfaction  of  the  customary  ne¬ 
cessities  of  the  wants  of  life  of  the  period.  Or,  which  is  the 
same,  the  surplus  of  the  means  of  satisfaction  and  content¬ 
ment  over  the  lowest  line  of  life’s  wants,  customary  and  nec 
essary  at  the  time.  An  increased  minimum  of  life’s  wants 
will  bring  with  it  sorrows  and  hardships  which  a  former  period 
knew  nothing  about. 

It  is  no  hardship  to  the  Botokude  that  he  can  buy  no¬ 
soap  ;  neither  is  it  a  hardship  to  the  nauseating  savage  that  he 
does  not  sport  a  respectable  coat.  What  possible  uneasiness 
was  it  to  the  workingman,  before  the  discovery  of  America, 
that  there  was  no  tobacco  to  be  had?  or,  before  the  era  of 
printing,  that  no  desirable  book  could  be  got? 

All  human  hardships  and  sorrows  depend,  then,  only 
upon  the  proportion  of  the  means  of  contentment  to  the,  at 
the  time,  present  wants  and  customs  of  life.  We  measure 
our  sorrows  and  hardships,  our  contentment  and  blessings,  by 
the  conditions  of  other  classes  at  the  period.  It  is  because, at 
different  periods  of  progress,  added  wants  have  sprung  into 
existence,  bringing  desires  formerly  unknown  into  demand, 
that  sorrows  and  hardships  appeared. 

Human  conditions  have  ever  been  the  same :  dancing 
about  upon  the  lowest  circle  of  \vrhat,  in  every  period,  is  cus¬ 
tomary  and  necessary  to  a  bare  existence — sometimes  a  little 
above,  sometimes  a  little  below  it, 


The  standard  has,  at  all  times,  remained  substantially  the 
same.  The  condition  of  man  cannot  be  measured  by  the  nat¬ 
ural  relations  of  the  animals  of  the  primal  forest,  nor  yet  the 
negro  in  Africa,  nor  the  serf  during  the  Middle  Ages,  nor 
even  the  workingman  of  two  hundred  or  eighty  years  ago  ; 
but  only  through  the  relation  of  the  condition  of  his 
fellow-workers  to  the  condition  of  the  other  classes  of  the 
same  time. 

Instead  of  stating  views  about  this,  and  discussing  how 
this  relation  may  be  bettered,  and  how  that  cruel  law  may  be 
changed,  which  holds  you  constantly  upon  the  outer  circle  of 
the  wants  in  every  period,  they  amuse  themselves  by  dis¬ 
torting  the  question  beneath  your  very  nose,  entertaining  you 
with  problematical  views  of  history,  of  culture,  and  the  con¬ 
dition  of  the  working  class  informer  times:  views  all  the  more 
problematical :  those  products  of  industry  falling  to  a  mini¬ 
mum  of  cheapness,  belonging,  in  a  very  marked  degree,  to  the 
articles  consumed  by  the  workingman  ;  while  the  food  which 
chiefly  forms  this  consumption,  not  at  all  governed  by  the 
same  tendency  to  an  ever  increasing  cheapness.  Such  views 
would  only  have  value  when  the  conditions  of  the  entire 
working  class,  during  the  different  periods,  would  be  investi¬ 
gated  in  all  directions,  and  from  every  point;  investigations 
of  the  gravest  nature,  and  to  be  carried  to  a  degree  of  com¬ 
pleteness  for  which  those  who  present  them  have  not  the  req¬ 
uisite  qualities,  such  duties  to  be  performed  only  by  the  really 
learned. 

Let  us  now  return  from  our  necessary  detour,  to  the 
question,  What  influence  can  the  Consume  Associations  have 
upon  the  condition  of  the  working  class,  after  the  law  of 
Political  Economy,  formulated  in  Sub-Division  2  ? 

The  answer  will  be  simple  enough. 

As  long  as  only  single  circles  of  workingmen  combine  for 
a  Consume  Association,  so  long  the  general  wages  will  not  be 
affected  by  it ;  and  just  so  long  will  these  Consume  Associa¬ 
tions,  through  cheaper  consumption,  exert  a  subordinate  in¬ 
fluence,  lightening  the  down -trodden  conditions  of  the 
worker— a  tendency  I  have  already  viewed  and  admitted. 

It  will  be  most  important  here  to  bear  in  mind  that,  so 
soon  as  the  Consume  Associations  more  and  more  embrace  the 
whole  working  class,  it  will  be  seen, as  ^necessary  consequence, 
that  wages,  owing  to  the  cheapness  of  the  necessaries  of  life, 


the  result  of  the  Consume  Associations,  will  fall  in  precise 
proportion. 

These  Consume  Associations  never  can  help  the  whole 
working  class ;  while  to  the  single  circles  of  workingmen  who 
form  them,  they  can  only  give  slight  help,  so  long  as  their  ex¬ 
ample  does  not  find  imitators.  While  these  Consume  Asso¬ 
ciations  spread  themselves,  embracing  larger  masses,  in  that 
degree  dwindles  the  trilling  benefit  which,  under  the  most  ad¬ 
vantageous  relations  can  accrue  from  them,  until,  embracing 
the  large  majority,  it  sinks  to  zero. 

Can  it  he  earnestly  proposed  that  the  workingmen  should 
fix  their  eyes  upon  a  means  by  which,  as  a  class,  they  cannot 
be  benefitted-?  wrhich,  in  fact,  can  only  assist  a  few,  while  the 
larger  class  stand  by :  and  which,  as  soon  as  the  majority  seek 
to  benefit  by,  at  once  is  of  no  help  to  any  one? 

The  German  working  classes,  allowing  themselves  to  be¬ 
gin  with  a  tread -mill  round,  will  find  that  any  betterment  of 

their  condition  will  be  in  the  verv  distant  future, 

•/ 

i  have  now  analyzed  all  the  Sehultze  Delitzseh  organiza¬ 
tion,  showing  you  that  they  are  not  now,  nor  ever  can  be,  of 
permanent  service  to  you. 

The  question  now  is,  Cannot  the  principle  of  free,  indi¬ 
vidual  association  he  applied  so  as  to  better  the  condition  of 
the  working  class  ? 

To  that  1  reply,  Without  doubt  it  can.  Gut  only  through 
applying  it  in  the  massed  and  concentrated  forms  of  the  fac¬ 
tory,  with  its  enormous  advantage  of  productivity. 

The  working  classmust  become  itself  a  monster  employ¬ 
er :  the  whole  a  series  of  gigantic  enterprises.  By  this  means 
and  by  this  alone,  can  amelioration  come,  and  the  iron  and 
cruel  law  governing  wages  be  abolished. 

Th  e  wages  class,  once  become  its  own  employer,  the  di¬ 
visions  between  wages  and  profits  of  enterprise  at  once  is  re¬ 
moved  :  the  wage  disappears,  and  in  its  stead  comes  the  cer¬ 
tain  and  satisfying  reward  of  labor  honestly  performed.  The 
whole  production  of  labor  becomes  the  claim  of  the  worker, 
unaffected  by  any  employer. 

This  method  of  the  abolition  of  the  profits  of  enterprise 
is  peaceful,  legal,  and,  withal,  simple.  Through  free  asso¬ 
ciations,  the  working  classes  organize  themselves  as  their  own 
employers,  and,  by  the  sftnple  act,  emancipate  themselves  from 
the  system  which  gave  the  working  class  wages,  at  all  times 


—  go- 


hut  a  small  part  of  the  entire  product :  not  more  than  is  bare¬ 
ly  sufficient  to  support  life,  while  the  surplus  falls  to  the  share 
of  the  employing  class,  making  them  rich.  Be  assured  that 
this  is  the  only  true  method  of  release  for  the  working  class, 
all  others  being  specious  and  illusory. 

But  how  is  the  change  to  be  effected  ?  Throwing  a  glance 
upon  the  railroads,  the  dry  docks,  the  cotton  spinrieries,  the 
calico  factories  and  such  like  formidable  institutions  ;  then, 
dwelling  for  a  moment  on  the  enormous  amount  of  capital 
needed,  you  will  see  in  your  empty  pockets  nothing  but  mock¬ 
ery  of  the  suggested  design.  Where,  you  exclaim,  are  the 
millions  to  come  from  to  inaugurate  this  projected  system  of 
the  future?  You  stand  appalled  at  the  threshhold  of  your 
enterprise.  To  you  nothing  can  be  more  apparent  than  your 
helplessness.  If  left  to  yourselves,  you  are  indeed  without 
help. 

For  this  very  reason,  it  is  the  duty  and  becomes  the  bus¬ 
iness  of  the  State  to  come  to  your  rescue,  t-o  enable  you  to  ex¬ 
pedite  and  give  form  and  vitality  to  the  scheme  so  promising 
of  betterment  to  the  working  class  of  the  nation.  The  State 
ought  to  regard  it  as  its  holiest  duty  to  assist  in  making  cer¬ 
tain  the  possibility  of  your  self' organization  and  association  ; 
for  in  your  elevation  lies  the  secret  of  the  grandeur  and  com¬ 
pleteness  of  the  State. 

And  here  do  not  allow  yourselves  to  be  misled  by  the 
cries  of  those  who  say  that  all  interventions  of  the  State 
must  necessarily  weaken  social  self-help.  It  does  not  follow 
that  I  hinder  a  man  from  reaching  a  certain  elevation  in 
climbing  a  steeple  because  I  reach  him  a  ladder  or  a  rope  to 
assist  him.  Shall  it  be  said  that  the  State  seeks  to  suppress 
self-effort  in  study  because  it  establishes  schools,  hires  teachers 
and  opens  libraries  to.  facilitate  instruction  ?  Can  I  be  ac¬ 
cused  of  putting  impediments  in  the  way  of  a  man  who  seeks 
to  cultivate  a  farm  by  Tending  him  a  modern  plow?  And 
surely  it  cannot,  be  said  that  I  am  anxious  to  defeat  an  enemy 
when  I  put  weapons  into  the  hands  of  others  for  the  destruc¬ 
tion  of  that  enemy. 

I  admit  that  single  individuals  have  educated  themselves 
without  teachers,  schools  or  libraries ;  it  is  true  that  people 
have  been  known  to  climb  steeples  without  the  aid  of  ladders 
or  ropes.  It  is  true  that  the  peasantry  of  Vendee,  in  the 
Revolutionary  war,  defeated  their  enemies  without  weapons. 


—  21  — 

AH  these  exceptions,  however,  do  not  weaken  the  rule  ;  they 
but  strengthen  it.  Neither  does  it  affect  the  rule  that  under 
certain  circumstances,  single  circles  of  workingmen  in  Eng¬ 
land,  through  organizations  founded  solely  by  their  own  ex¬ 
ertions,  have  bettered  their  conditions  in  a  small  degree.  In 
the  face  of  these  exceptions  there  remains  to  be  accomplished 
the  real  improvement  of  the  condition  of  labor  embracing  the 
entire  class,  and  which  can  only  be  done  through  help  ad¬ 
vanced  by  the  State. 

Do  not  allow  yourselves  to  be  affected  and  misled  by  the 
affected  contempt  of  those  who  decry  Socialism  and  Com- 
munionism ;  such  cheap  talk  cannot  permanently  affect  your 
demands,  and  is  used  only  by  such  as  desire  to  mislead  you  or 
who  do  not  know  what  they  are  talking  about. 

*  Nothing  can  be  farther  apart  from  Communism  than  is 
this  demand  of  the  workingmen  to  the  State.  It  will  not  af¬ 
fect  the  individual  freedom  of  the  citizen  in  any  manner 
whatever  ;  each  retaining  in  all  essential  particulars,  his  pres¬ 
ent  relations  to  the  community.  Ilis  personal  manner  of  life 
undergoes  no  change,  save  in  the  difference  of  his  remunera¬ 
tion,  the  result  of  his  changed  conditions  by  his  new  relations 
to  the  State.: — advancing  him  capital  ;  or,  in  other  words, 
necessary  credit. 

Really  and  truly  this  is  the  mission  of  the  State :  to  ex¬ 
pedite  and  assure  the  advance  of  culture.  For  this  the  State 
exists,  and  for  this  only.  It  has  already  given  abundant  evi¬ 
dence  that  this  is  its  characteristic  work — its  canals,  its  high¬ 
ways,  its  post-offices,  its  boat  lines,  its  telegraphs,  its  national 
banks.  Without  the  intervention  of  the  State  such  insti¬ 
tutions  could  not  exist ;  or,  if  existing,  they  would  be  pro¬ 
ductive  of  ceaseless  wrangles  by  competition. 

I  give  you  an  example  that  outweighs  hundreds  that 
might  be  presented  ;  an  example,  too,  dating  from  our  own 
times  :  When  railroads  began  to  be  built,  it  was  found  nec¬ 
essary  in  Germany,  as  well  as  in  many  other  countries,  for  the 
State  to  intervene  in  one  way  or  another,  guaranteeing  the 
payment  of  interest  on  stock  ;  and  in  some  countries  much 
greater  responsibilities  were  assumed. 

It  would  be  well  here  to  mention  that  the  English,  who 
are  always  pointed  to  as  a  people  opposed  to  State  interfer¬ 
ences,  boast  with  commendable  pride  of  the  intervention  of 
the  State  in  abolishing  slavery ;  an  act  of  parliament  author* 


izing  the  expenditure  of  twenty  million  pounds  sterling, 
($100,000,000,)  for  that  purpose.  To  free  an  unlimited  ma¬ 
jority  of  its  own  nation  from  the  cruel  law  that  governs  wages 
in  their  country  ought  surely  be  expected  to  interest  them 
still  more  than  freeing  a  strange  race  in  a  strange  land. 

In  this  connection  I  would  also  point  to  the  example  of 
the  United  States,  presenting  with  such  unexampled  liberal- 
ity  by  subsidies  of  land  to  forward  railroad  enterprise. 

The  guarantee  of  the  interest  alluded  to  above,  so  forci¬ 
bly  reminding  one  of  the  phrase,  “  the  lion’s  share,”  amounted 
to  neither  more  nor  less  than  this :  Should  the  new  enter¬ 
prise  prove  unprofitable,  the  State  must  bear  the  loss  ;  that 
is,  you,  the  taxpayers,  shall  pay  the  deficit.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  thing  should  be  a  success,  the  dividends,  no  matter 
how  heavy,  shall  accrue  to  the  rich  stockholders.  In  some 
countries,  particularly  Prussia,  this  feature  is  sought  to  have 
a  modified  appearance  given  to  it  by  reserving  certain  as¬ 
sumed  advantages  to  be  derived  in  the  very  far  future  ;  ad¬ 
vantages  which  can  only  become  such  through  the  working¬ 
men  associating  for  ameliorative  purposes,  aud  being  felt  as  a 
factor  in  the  politics  of  the  nation. 

Without  the  intervention  on  the  part  of  the  State — of 
which  it  may  be  said  the  guarantee  of  payment  of  the  inter¬ 
est  was  the  smallest  feature — it  is  extremely  likely  we  should 
have  had  no  railoads  on  this  continent  to-day.  In  any  case, 
this  fact  is  not  to  be  disputed,  that  the  Government,  in  guar¬ 
anteeing  the  interest,  was  a  reliable  inducement  to  the  rich 
property  holders  who  control  capital,  1m  take  hold.  It  was 
clearly  a  case  of  State  assistance  to  the  Bourgoise  ;  and  if  ex¬ 
tended  to  one  class  why  not  to  another  equally  willing  to  hon¬ 
orably  profiit  by  it. 

How  was  it  that  no  cry  arose  against  tlie  interest  guar¬ 
antee  as  an  improper  intervention  of  the  State?  Why  was  it 
not  declared  that  the  guarantee  of  the  State  was  not  de 
nounced  as  undue  interference  of  self-help  on  the  part  of  the 
rich  stock  companies?  Above  all,  why  was  not  the  guarantee 
of  the  State  stamped  as  Socialism  and  Communism  ?  The 
question  is  readily  answered :  The  intervention  was  in  the 
interest  of  the  rich,  the  property  holding  class  of  soci¬ 
ety,  deference  to  whom  has  always  been  regarded  as  correct. 
It  can  onlv  be  when  the  intervention  is  sought  to  be  in  favor 
of  the  poverty-stricken  that  Communism  is  raised  as  a  mad 


dog  cry\ 

Let  what  I  have  said,  then,  answer  for  those  who  speak 
to  you  of  the  impropriety  ol  State  intervention,  condemning 
it  as  threatening  the,  principle  of  self-help  and  favoring  So¬ 
cialism  and  Communism,  which  they  say  underli  s  the  de¬ 
mand.  Give  them  to  understand  that,  having  lived  so  long  in 
Socialism — as  proved  by  guaranteeing  the  interest  on  the 
railroad  and  other  instances  hastily  touched  upon',  we  desire 
to  benefit  by  its  advantages  in  a  si  ill  greater  degree. 

It  may  be  added  that  great  though  the  progress  of  cul¬ 
ture  was  made  made  manifest. by, the  introduction  of  railroads, 
it  would  sink  into  insignificance  compared  to  the  advance  civ¬ 
ilization  would  show  in  the  same  space  of  time  by  the  eleva¬ 
tion  of  the  working  class  through  their  industrial  association 
by  State  aid. 

For,  what  do  all  the  heaped-up  riches  and  all  the  fruits 
of  civilization  benefit  the  community  when  they  are  used  by 
only  a  few?  leaving  unlimited  humanity  the  Tantulus  of  the 
ages,  reaching  in  vain  for  what  forever  eludes  the  grasp  : 
worse,  indeed  than  Tantulus,  for  he  had  not  assisted  in  culti¬ 
vating  the  fruits  for  which  his  thirsting  tongue  was  damned 
to  long  for.  The  elevation  of  the  working  class  ought  to  be 
regarded  as  the  grandest  achievements  of  Culture,  therefore 
warranting  the  highest  efforts  of  the  State  in  the  accomplish¬ 
ment. 

It  is  to  be  added  that  the  State,  through  the  agency,  of 
the  ordinary  credit  and  money  circulating  institutes, (the  banks) 
may,  in  the  easiest  possible  manner,  perform  the  needed  duties 
of  assistants  to  the  Government  in  its  new  relation  to  us,  and 
without  taking  upon  themselves  any  greater  responsibility 
than  was  assumed  in  accepting  guarantees  for  the  payment  of 
the  interest  ot  railroads. 

How  easily  the  necessary  capital,  or,  credit,  rather,  might 
be  procured  for  the  gradual  association  of  the  entire  working- 
class,  cannot  be  further  shown  here,  as  it  would  involve  ex¬ 
planations  of  the  theoretical,  financial  and  social  functions  of 
money  and  credit.  Furthermore,  such  an  explanation  of  the 
method  as  would  be  necessary,  would  fee  superfious, because  not 
called  for.  Not  till  it  can  have  a  practical  value  by  initiating 
the  realization  of  the  demands  will  this  become  a  duty. 

From  the  nature  of  things,  these  associations  can  only 
gradually,  and  in  process  of  time,  embrace  the  entire  work' 


■ —  24 


ingclass.  They  would  have  to  begin  in  such  districts  and 
localities  where  certain  occupations  center,  where  the  density 
of  the  population  and  the  known  disposition  for  association 
would  be  likely  to  forward  such. 

As  soon  as  a  number  of  such  associations  would  be 
formed,  securing  the  aid  of  the  State,  their  existence  would 
make  it  easier  to  introduce  them  to  other  branches  of  indus^ 
try,  which,  when  combined,  would  form  a  chain  of  credit  with 
relation  to  one  another.  Beside  this  credit  association,  an 
insurance  association  might  embrace  the  different  co-opertive 
associations, equalising  all  business  losses  and  making  them  but 
scarcely  felt.  The  State  would  be  in  no  ease  forced  to  play 
dictator  to  these  societies ;  its  duties  ceasing  after  supplying 
the  stability  needed  through  statutary  enactments  ;  all  control 
being  vested  in  the  organizations  themselves;  thereby  con¬ 
ducting  the  business  exclusively  by  the  members;  so  insuring 
safety. 

The  ordinary  journeyman’s  wages  would  be  paid  weekly, 
while  the  whole  business  profits  of  the  association  would  be 
distributed  in  the  form  of  dividends.  The  practicability  and 
the  lucrative  productivity  of  such  associations  can  be  ques¬ 
tioned  only  by  those  who  are  totally  ignorant  of  the  fact  that 
workingmen’s  associations  already  numerously  exist  in  Eng¬ 
land  and  France  ;  sprung  into  being  it  is  true  under  advers- 
circumstances  and  solely  by  the  isolated  exertions  of  the 
working  men,  yet  having  attained  a  high  degree  of  prosperity. 
Already,  in  the  county  of  Lancashire — passing  by  the  so- 
called  pioneers  of  Rochdale — there  existed  thirty- three  such 
associations  organized  on  the  plan  of  the  Factory  method  of 
production  ;  and  although  but  lately  founded  they  have  de¬ 
clared  a  dividend  of  thirty  to  forty  per  cent,  on  the  capital 
invested.  There  are  besides, associations  of  ouvricrcs  macons  in 
Paris,  who  presented  a  business  exhibit  in  1856  to  1857, 
showing  a  profit  of  56  per  cent,  on  their  capital ;  in  1858  the 
business  profit  was  180,000  francs ;  of  which  30,000  francs 
were  added  to  the  reserve  and  the  surplus  100,000  francs  di¬ 
vided  as  a  dividend;  furthermore,  sixty  per  cent,  of  this  fell 
to  the  share  of  labor,  and  forty  per  cent,  to  the  share  of  the 
capitalist,  (this  association  has  associes  non  travailleures  who 
each  invest  at  least  10,000  francs.)  A  like  prosperity  is  ex¬ 
hibited  by  the  ouvriers  lampistes, also  by  the  ouvriers  en  meubles 
and  others.  See  history  of  workingmen’s  associations  in  the 


25  — 


Work  ft  of  Prof.  Huber,  Cochut,  Lemercier  {Etudes  sur  lei 
association  ouvrieres.') The  statutes  and  rules  of  these  co-opera¬ 
tive  shops  Iso  contribute  valuable  information  concerning  the 
internal  economy  of  these  associations.  Regarded  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  philosopher,  these  societies  kre  the  promises 
of  the  future  ;  the  work  of  hard -palmed,  clear  souled  men 
who  through  the  dim  vista  of  the  coming  generations  saw 
humanity’s  possibilities.  If  so  much,  then,  can  be  accom¬ 
plished,  m?t  only  unaided,  but  in  the  face  of  immense  opposi¬ 
tion  and  ridicule,  it  becomes  an  easy  task  by  the  aid  of  the 
State,  to  achieve  the  entire  redemption  and  permanent  eleva¬ 
tion  of  the  workingclass.  And  to  that  complexion  it  must 
come  at  last.  Blind  indeed  must  that  man  be  who  fails  to 
see  in  the  history  and  development  of  the  years  the  unswerv-  <• 
ing  swing  of  humanity  toward  the  conditions  aimed  at  by 
these  associations. 

Gentlemen  ;  as  a  finale,  let  us  now  consider  the  question  : 
What  is  the  State  ? 

In  response,  I  ask  you  to  cast  a  glance  at  the  official 
statistics  published  by  the  Government — for  I  do  not  purpose 
to  appear  with  my  own  calculations  merely. 

The  official  statistical  bureau  of  the  kingdom  of  Prussia, 
superintended  by  the  King’s  secret  councillor,  Prof.  Die- 
terici,  published  in  1857,  founded  upon  the  official  tax  list, 
shows  how  the  population  was  divided  in  regard  to  income, 
(Prof.  Dieterici’s  Statistical  Bureau,  year  1851,  VOL.  IV, 
P.  2G2;  compare  VOL.  Ill,  P.  243. 

I  place  the  results  of  this  calculation  before  you  with 
the  exact  words  and  figures. 

As  there  exhibited, one-half  per  cenGof  the  population  of 
Prussia  has  an  income  of  1,000  thalers. 

Three  and  one-fourth  per  cent,  from  400  to  1,000. 

Seven  and  one-fourth  per  cent,  from  200  to  400. 

Sixteen  and  three-fourths  per  cent,  from  100  to  200. 

Seventy-two  and  one-fourth  per  cent,  below  100. 

And  this  income  falls  upon  the  heads  of  the  taxable  por-  * 
tion  of  the  population  who,  according  to  Dieterici,  represent 
upon  the  average  a  family  of  five  persons  or  at  least  three 
persons.  * 

'■’'Note. — There  existed  in  Prussia  at  that  time  (1850,)  as  Die¬ 
terici  shows — VOL.  IV,  P.  223;  10,331,187  souls,  and  3,181,908 
families,  giving  5  and  one-tenth  persons  for  an  average  family.  Tax- 


—  2a 


And  naturally  the  same  'analogy  must  exist-  in  all  the 
other  German  States. 

These  dumb  official  figures,  if  they  do  not  claim  mathe¬ 
matical  exactness,  every  one,  as  you  know,  belittling  his  in¬ 
come  before  the  tax-gatherer — a  matter  of  no  importance  in 
this  relation,  it  not  in  the  least  degree  giving  grounds  for 
difference — will  speak  to  you  more  distinctly  than  would 
whole  volumes. 

Seventy-two  and  one-fourth  per  cent,  of  the  population 
with  an  income  below  100  thalers ; showing  them,  as  a  conse¬ 
quence,  to  be  in  the  most  miserable  condition. 

Another  sixteen  and  three-fourths  per  cent,  of  the  pop¬ 
ulation,  with  an  income  of  from  100  to  200  thalers  a  few 
degrees  above  misery.  Another,  seven  and  one-fourth  per 
cent  with  an  income  of  200  to  400  thalers  still  in  cramped 
conditions.  Three  and  one-half  per  cent,  with  an  income  of 
400  to  1000  thalers,  in  a  comparatively  comfortable  position  ; 
and  finally  one-half  per  cent,  in  all  possible  degrees  of*  wealth. 
The  two  lowest  classes  who  are  in  the  wretched,  downtrodden 
condition  form  89  per  cent,  of  the  whole  population,  and  if 
we  must  add  the  seven  and  one-fourth  per  cent,  of  the  third 
class, still  in  a  cramped  condition, comparatively  without  means, 
we  find  96  and  .one-fourth  per  eent.  of  the  entire  numberhelp- 
less  and  poverty  stricken. 

Now,  gentlemen,  remember  this  :  It  is  to  you,  you  the 
suffering,  the  patient  and  enduring  class,  that  the  State  be¬ 
longs  ;  not  to  us  of  the  higher  classes  ;  for  tl be  State  is  the 
consolidated  people.  I  asked  you  what  was  the  State,  and 
you  have  found  through  a  few  figures,  a  more  comprehensive 
answer  than  many  books  could  give  ;  I  repeat  it,  you,  the 
people,  make  the  State. 

I  now  emphatically  ask,  why  should  not  your  large  associa¬ 
tions  develope  and  guide  to  fruition  the  smaller  circles  of  as¬ 
sociations  ? 

This  question  you  also  will  discuss  with  those  who  twad¬ 
dle  to  you  about  the  impropriety  of  State  interference,  and 
of  the  socialism  and  the  communism  inherent  in  the  demand. 

Finally,  if  you  desire  an  especial  clause  to  prove  the  fin¬ 
able  persons  at  that  time,  (see  Dieterici,  YOL.  Ill,  P.  243,)  4,950,- 
454,  as  you  see,  more  than  there-  were  families.  Still,  according  to 
this,  the  taxable  head  represents  an  average  family  of  three  persons, 
not  allowing  that  the  lowest  classes  have  the  largest  families. 


-r2T- 


possibility  of  bettering  the  condition  of  the  entire  working 
class,  except  through  the  co-operation  of  the  State,  aiding  the 
free  associations,  look  at  England,  the  country  upon  which 
tho  other  side  chiefly  rely  for  proof  of  their  assertion  that  it 
is  possible  to  bring  about  this  improvement  by  limited  num¬ 
bers  of  individuals  in  eo-operative  efforts,  independent  of  out¬ 
side  aid. 

It  seems  to  be  regarded  that  England,  for  many  reasons 
rooted  in  its  peculiar  conditions,  is  the  best  fitted  to  success¬ 
fully  try  this  experiment  — the  fact,  however  not  proving 
*  the  possibility  of  other  countries  to  do  the  same. 

The  especial  proof  referred  to  with  reference  to  England, 
points  distinctly  to  the  workingmenrs  associations  which,  up 
to  this  time,  have  been  given  as  so  conclusive.  I  mean  the 
pioneer  movement  of  Rochdale.  Existing  since  1844,  thi3 
consume  association  founded  a  spinnery  and  weaving  mill, 
with  a  capital  of  £5,500?'  in  1858.  In  the  statutes  of  this 
co-operative  association,  an  equal  share  of  the  business  profits 
or  dividend,  besides  the  local  market  price  for  labor  (wages,) 
was  assured  to  all  the  workingmen  busied  in  the  factory, 
whether  stockholders  in  the  association  or  not;  it  having  been 
decided  that  the  yearly  dividends  should  be  equally  divided, 
and  apportioned  to  labor-price  or  wages,  as  upon  the  capital 
stock. 

Here  let  me  say  that  the  number  of  stockholders  in  the 
factory  amounted  to  1,600,  while  the  number  of  workingmen 
busied  in  it  were  only  500.  There  was,  therefore,  quite  a 
number 'of  stockholders  who  were  not  at  the  same  time  work¬ 
ing  in  the  factory  ;  at  the  same  time  all  the  workmen  were 
not  stockholders.  In  1861,  an  agitation  arose  from  those  who 
were  merely  stockholders,  backed  by  some  who  were  both 
stockholders  and  workmen,  against  the  rule  that  the  working¬ 
men  who  were  not  stockholders  should  receive  a  share  of  the 
business  profit — the  product  of  labor. 

From  the  side  of  the  stockholder,  the  argument  advanced 
openly  and  simply,  was,  that  according  to  the  universal  custom 
in  the  industrial  world,  labor  was  fully  paid  with  the  wages 
alone  ;  and  that  this  wage  was  fixed  by  the  law  of  supply  and 
demand.  (We  have  seen  above  by  what  law.)  “  This  fact,” 
says  Prof.  Huber,  in  the  report  which  he  gives  of  the  cir¬ 
cumstance,  “  from  the  beginning  was  presented  as  the  neces¬ 
sary,  natural  state  of  things,  needing  no  further  motive  nor 


Strengthened  claim  of  legitimacy.  True,  up  to  this  time,  the 
custom  in  the  factory  was  strictly  according  to  the  statutes, 
but  was  regarded  as  exceptional,  impulsive.  Bravely,  but 
without  clear  reasons,  arguments  founded  mainly  on  the  feel¬ 
ings,  the  sensibilities,  this  motion  was  battled  for  by  the  old 
founders  and  Trustees  of  the  association.  True  to  the  in¬ 
stincts  of  the  possessor,  a  majority  of  five-eights  of  the 
workmen  stockholders  voted  to  change  the  statutes — acting 
precisely  as  would  the  Bourgeoisie  in  a  similar  enterprise. 
The  defeat  was  only  for  the  present,  however,  as  a  majority 
of  three -fourths  of  the  votes  was  necessary. 

“  But  nobody,”  further  reports  Prof.  Huber,  “  flatters 
himself  that  the  thing  has  been  settled.  On  the  contrary, 
violent,  internal  struggles  are  in  the  future  of  such  associa¬ 
tions  j  doubtless,  occasion  will  lead  to  discussion  of  the  motion 
next  year;  the  opposition  being  resolved  to  make  its  influence 
felt  in  the  election  for  ofncers,  where  a  majority  vote  decides, 
and  where  the  domineering  tendencies  of  the  Trustees  are 
likely  to  capture  the  opposition.  ” 

Prof.  Huber  further  reports  of  this:  “  A  majority  of  the 
manufacturing  productive  associations  have,  from  the  begin¬ 
ning,  conformed  to  tbo  universal  custom,  and  undoubtedly 
without  regard  to  the  doctrine  involved;  a  very  few,  indeed, 
have  adopted  the  co-operative  principle  in  favor  of  labor.  ” 
And  Prof.  Huber  must  confess,  however  against  his  will,  and 
with  a  heavy  heart — for  he  is  a  disciple  of  the  idea  that  as¬ 
sociation  should  come  only  through  the  individual  efforts  of 
workmen  :  that  it  is  a  question  which  will,  doubtless,  soon 
come  to  be  discussed  and  decided  in  all  other  associations  for 
product] on, where  the  opposition  of  capital  and  labor  exists,  and 
where  is  felt  the  competition  eternally  reproduced  in  the  in¬ 
dustrial  microcosm,  (the  organized  world,)  and  as  represented 
by  the  workingmen’s  associations  on  a  small  scale. 

You  see,  gentlemen,  that  when  you  reflect  upon  these 
facts,  you  find  great  questions  are,  at  all  times,  solved  in  a 
great  manner;  never  hj  inferior  agencies.  So  long  as  the 
general  wages  are  governed  by  the  above  law,  so  long  the 
small  associations  of  workingmen  will  be  unable  to  resist  its  in¬ 
fluence.  Where  is  the  gain  to  the  workingman  in  working 
for  either  fellow-workmen  or  Bourgeoisie?  There  is  none. 
In  what  can  he  possibly  benefit  by  changing  his  employer? 
Nothing.  lrou  have  merely  changed  the  claimants  to  the  re- 


suits  of  your  labor.  You  are  in  no  wise  freed.  Where  is  the 
gain  to  be  seen?  There  is  no  gain — unless  gain  is  to  be  seen 
in  the  added  depravity  which  changes  the  workingman  in  the 
associated  form  into  the  worst  form  of  master.  The  person 
engaged  in  the  enterprise  alone  has  changed,  the  system  has 
undergone  no  alteration;  labor,  the  source  of  all  wealth,  be¬ 
ing  confined  to  the  old  status  of  wages  :  barely  sufficient  to 
keep  a  man  alive.  It  is  easy,  under  certain  conditions,  for 
the  understanding  to  become  confused  ;  as  witness  the  greed 
under  the  influence  of  this  law,  making  workingmen,  on  be¬ 
coming  stockholders,  not  employed  in  the  factory,  unwilling 
to  recognize  the  fact  that  they  are  enjoying  the  advantages  of 
the  labor  of  others  :  opposed,  even,  to  allowing  them  a  share 
apart  from  the  gain  of  their  own  labor,  even  to  grudging  them 
that  upon  which  labor  has  a  just  claim. 

Workingmen  with  means  of  labor  and  having  a  greed  of 
enterprise  !  this  is  the  disgusting  caricature  into  which  the 
stockholding  laborer  has  been  changed. 

Finally,  for  a  last,  decided  proof  in  this  discussion  : 

You  saw  that  in  this  factory  of  the  pioneers,  500  work¬ 
ingmen  were  busied,  and  that  1,600  stockholders  had  an  in¬ 
terest  in  it.  This  much  will  also  be  apparent  to  you,  that  un¬ 
less  we  can  succeed  in  mocking  ourselves  with  the  delusion  of 
all  laborers  being  rich,  that  the  number  of  workingmen  em¬ 
ployed  in  a  factory  never  will  succeed,  out  of  their  own  profits, 
to  furnish  the  principal  stock  or  capital  necessary  for  a  fac¬ 
tory.  They  will  find  it  impossible  to  resist  the  conclusion, 
that  the  admission  of  a  greater  number  of  stockholders,  not 
employed  in  the  factory,  would  be  imperatively  called  for. 

The  proportion  in  this  relation  in  the  factory  of  the 
pioneers — 1,600  stock  holding  workmen  out  of  the  factory, 
against  500  workingmen  engaged  in  the  factory — as  three  to 
one,  is  most  favorable,  and  indeed  rarely  so  :  quite  as  small  as 
could  possibly  be  found  to  be ;  and  is  explained  partly  by  the 
exceptionally  comfortable  condition  of  the  organization,  and 
partly  through  the  fact  that  their  peculiar  branch  of  industry 
does  not  belong  to  those  demanding  a  large  amount  of  capital 
and  also,  because  the  factory  does  not  belong  to  a  mammoth, 
productive  institution,  in  which  case  it  would  be  very  differ¬ 
ent.  Finally,  there  is  to  be  added,  that,  through  the  devel- 
(  pement  of  industry  itself,  and  the  progress  of  civilization, 
this  proportion  must  continue  to  increase  every  day.  It  must 


30 


be  evident  to  every  one,  that  the  progress  of  industry  consists 
in  the  application  of  more  force  and  more  machinery  put  in 
the  place  of  human  labor,  and  that  through  this  is  the  amount 
of  capital  stock  made  to  increase  over  human  labor.  When, 
then,  in  this  factory  of  the  pioneers,  1,600  workingmen- 
stockholders  were  needed  to  contribute  the  necessary  amount 
of  capital  to  employ  500  workers,  making  a  proportion  of  one 
to  three,  then  by  the  workingmen  in  other  branches,  and  in 
the  larger  institutions  of  production,  together  with  the  daily 
progress  of  civilization,  the  proportion  would  vary — as  1  to  4, 
1  to  5,  to  6,  to  8,  to  10,  to  20,  and  so  on.  But  let  us  remain 
at  the  proportion  of  1  to  3.  To  found  a  factory  in  which  500 
workmen  find  employment,  there  are  needed  1,600  stockhold¬ 
ers  to  furnish  the  necessary  capital. 

This  is  well  enough,  so  long  as  I  wish  to  found  only  a 
few  factories.  Gentlemen,  in  the  imaginative  process  there 
is  no  trouble.  I  can  tripple  and  quadruple  the  number  and 
still  go  on  while  I  have  working  men  stockholders  to  help  me. 
But  when  I  extend  these  associations  till  the  whole  body  of 
workingmen  of  the  nation  are  embraced,  where  shall  I  find 
three,  four,  five,  ten,  twenty  times  the  number  of  working¬ 
men  stockholders  who  are  to  stand  behind  the  laborers  em¬ 
ployed  in  the  factories  arid  furnish  the  capital? 

It  will  be  easy  to  perceive  that  it  becomes  a  mathemati¬ 
cal  impossibility  to  free  the  working  class  through  the  efforts 
of  its  members  ;  and  that  all  argumentt  used  to  prove  the 
contrary  are  mere  illusions — phantasms  of  the  brain.  It  will 
be  equally  apparent  that  the  only  road  to  successful  abolish¬ 
ment  of  the  law  which  governs  wages,  and  which  regulates  as 
with  a  rod  of  iron,  is  the  progress  and  development  of  free 
individual  labor  associations  through  the  helping  hand  of  the 
State. 

The  labor  movement,  founded  upon  the  purely  atomic 
isolated  strength  of  working  individuals  has  had  its  value, 
and  an  immense  one  it  is,  to  unmistakably  show  the  way  how 
the  emancipation  may  take  place:  practical  proofs  removing 
all  doubts,  real  or  assumed,  of  the  practicability  of  the  Idea  ; 
so  compelling  the  State  to  see  its  duty  in  upholding  by  its  as¬ 
sistance,  the  higher  interests  of  the  nation  through  the  culture 
of  its  members. 

At  the  same  time  I  have  proven  to  you  that  the  State  is 

really  the  great  organization  and  association  of  the  working- 


men,  the  central  point  of  help  and  protection,  holding  the 
smaller  associations  in  hand  by  a  series  of  functionaryism  ; 
This  is  the  natural  and  legitimate  purpose  of  the  State  :  oper¬ 
ating  by  supervision  over  each  subordinate  association  as  each 
subordinate  association  does  toward  its  members. 

But  how  enable  the  State  to  make  this  intervention  ? 

The  answer  is  clear  :  It  is  possible  only  through  univer¬ 
sal  and  direct  suffrage. 

When  the  law  making  body  of  Germany  owes  its  ex¬ 
istence  to  the  popular  vote,  then,  and  i.pnly  then  will  you  be 
able  to  control  the  Government  in  the  interest  of  labor. 

When  this  element  of  popular  power  shall  have  been  in¬ 
troduced  aud  the  law  making  power  be  the  result,  then  the 
neeessa'ry  forms  and  measures  of  the  intervention  may  be  dis¬ 
cussed  ;  and,  backed  by  reason  and  science,  men  who  under¬ 
stand  your  condition,  and  who  are  devoted  to  your  cause  will 
defend  your  interests,  Then,  too,  the  class  without  means 
will  have  to  ascribe  all  disastrous  elections  to  themselves, 
finding  their  representatives  in  the  minority. 

Universal  and  direct  suffrage,  as  has  been  show'n,  is  the 
foundation  of  your  political  and  social  life:  the  ba^.ic  princi¬ 
ple  of'  all  self  help  .  and  without  which  the  condition  of  the 
workingman  cannot  be  bettered. 

Now,  how  to  succeed  in  securing  universal  direct  suf¬ 
frage  : 

Cast  a  glance  at  England  l  For  more  than  five  years  did 
the  English  people  agitate  against  the  corn  laws  ;  and  so  earn¬ 
est  and  general  was  the  agitation  that  they  wore  abolished 
even  by  a  Tory  ministry.  In  like  manner  you  workingmen  of 
Germany  must  organize  as  a  universal  workingmen’s  associa¬ 
tion,  peaceful^  but  untiringly  demanding  continual  agitation 
for  the  introduction  of  the  universal  and  direct  right  of  suf¬ 
frage  throughout  all  German  countries — And  mark  my  words: 
at  the  moment  this  combined  movement  reaches  100,000 
members,  it  will  be  an  acknowledged  power  in  the  land  and  al¬ 
ready  a  factor  affecting  the  legislative  bodies.  liaise  this  cry 
in  every  workshop,  in  every  village,  in  every  hut.  Let  the 
city  workman,  with  their  deeper  insight  and  higher  culture, 
pour  into  the  ear  of  their  brethern  of  the  rural  districts,  by 
debates  and  speeches  their  knowledge  and  experience,  till  me¬ 
chanic  and  agricultural  laborer,  joining  in  the  chorus  of  de¬ 
mands,  compel  the  Government  to  grant  the  right  insisted  on.. 


By  debate  and  discussion,  daily,  and  without  cessation, 
was  the  great  English  agitation  a  success;  by  the  same  means 
'alone  will  universal  suffrage  be  gained  in  Germany.  The  more 
the  echo  of  your  voices  is  heard,  the  less  will  be  the  opposi 
tion  to  the  pressure.  And  as  auxiliary  to  your  movement, 
found  treasuries  to  which  every  member  of  the  association 
must  contribute  to  defray  expenses  of  plans  of  organization. 

Along  with  these  treasuries — which,  despite  the  small¬ 
ness  of  the  contribution,  will  form  a  power  for  agitation  pur¬ 
poses,  enabling  you  to  have  the  daily  papers  to  repeat  the  same 
demands,  proving  the  rightfulnesss  of  your  claims  to  deliver¬ 
ance  from  our  present  social  condition. 

Spread  with  the  same  means  pamphlets.  Also  pay  agents 
jto  carry  the  same  views  iuto  every  corner  of  the  nation  that 
the  cry  may  reach  the  heart  of  every  workingman,  every 
householder,  every  agricultural  laborer.  Pay  out  of  these 
moans  to  all  such  workingmen  who  may  suffer  persecution  and 
injury  because  of  their  activity  in  the  cause.  Let  your  voices 
continually  be  heard;  in  season  and  out  of  season  ;  perpetual, 
never  tiring;  in  place  and  out  of  place:  a  continual  pres¬ 
ence,  compelling  men  to  listen.  The  more  repeated 
the  more  it  will  spread,  and  become  mighty  in  the 
land. 


All  the  art  of  practical  success  is  contained  in  the  secret 
to  concentrate  force  at  one  spot,  the  vital  and  important  point. 
In  your  propaganda  look  neither  to  the  left  side  nor  to  the 
right.  Be  deaf  to  all  but  universal  and  direct  suffrage  or 
that  which  is  connected  with  it  and  that  leads  to  it. 

When  you  have  really  established  in  the  national  mind 
this  demand,  and  which  in  a  few  years  you  may  succeed  in  do¬ 
ing  through  the  89  to  96  per  cent,  ot  the  population  which 
constitutes  the  proportion  of  the  poorer  classes  in  society, 
then  will  your  wishes  no  longer  be  sought  to  be  withheld. 
The  Government  may  quarrel  and  struggle  over  polttieal 
rights  with  the  Bourgeoisie.  They  may  even  refuse  you  polit¬ 
ical  rights  ;  deny  you  even  under  the  ordinary  pressure  felt 
in  political  legislation,  the  right  of  suffrage.  But  a  question 
brought  before  Parliament  backed  by  89  to  96  per  cent,  of 
the  people  clamoring  for  its  passage  as  a  bill  :  a  question 
affecting  the  national  life:  a  question  of  stomach  and  brains, 
and  hot  with  the  vitalities  of  both,  no  power  can  long  with¬ 
stand*  Gentlemen,  no  authority  can  resist  this. 


—  33- 

Uni  versa  1  and  direct  suffrage ! 

This  is  the  sign  and  symbol  by  which  you  conquer. 
There  is  no  other  for  you. 

With  Greeting  and  Hand  Grip, 

FERDINAND  LASSALLE. 

Berlin,  March  1,  1863. 


'  . 
\ 


I 


